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Russians Back an Independent Policy, But Liberal Economics Still Threatens

There is overwhelming public support for Putin as a leader, but not for the the economic policies of his administration

This post first appeared on Russia Insider

The author is a well-known Russian economist and flamboyant media personality critical of the government’s liberal economic policies

It may seem improbable – how is it even possible - that President Putin's rating has increased to almost 90% being at 85% for a year and a half?

Everything depends on how you pose the question.

Russia supports the president’s foreign policy. In the confrontation against fascism, in the destruction of terrorists in places far from Moscow or even close at hand as with the Chechen wars, in the pursuit of the nation’s interests. Russians are aware of the false choice between conditional food in the fridge  and ‘greatness’: the Soviet Union was dissolved because without ‘greatness’ in one form or another there is no  food in the fridge, or as Russians say: ‘No sausage’. 

Pretexting democracy, the opposition believes that Russians should die for the sake of speculators’ profit (at least domestic speculators), that people can be killed if Europe doesn’t mind, that the sun rises on the west; they have removed themselves from Russia and their vanity can only arouse puzzlement or disgust. 

However, an internet poll on attitudes towards the president’s social and economic policy, provides a different picture: almost immediately, there were about 8,000 responses, showing the importance of the subject.

Less than 13% ( seven times fewer people than those who support the president overall) support his social and economic policy. (It is the president who signs legislation and assigns government functionaries to carry out policy). More than 61% are against it and 18% suggest that the president ‘does not have anything to do with the actual social and economic policy of Russia’. They also do not support the liberal policy inspired by the 90’s, the Maidan and coups d’état in the form of color revolutions, while supporting the Commander-in-Chief. 

Although internet polling is not objective, the above shows that the overall tendency is reflected accurately. 

Almost 90% of Russians support president Putin, while almost 80% are against the social and economic policies officially approved by him and implemented by his appointees. 

These policies represent the interests of the global monopolists against Russia, and have continued practically unchanged for nearly 30 years. 

The government is like a ruthless machine grinding ‘the Soviet legacy’ and the Russian people into personal riches for liberals and oligarchs in leading countries. 

Petrodollars and consumer credits softened the destructiveness of this strategy – but their time is now over. 

Russia is being destroyed by a cruel financial policy adopted directly from the 90-s by prime-minister Medvedev and the chairman of the Bank of Russia Nasibullina and implemented on the pretext of the fight against inflation (although the rise in prices is caused not by the prosperity of state employees but by the tyranny of monopolists) that creates an artificial pressure for money, encouraging speculators and suppressing the real sector. Liberals who no longer serve freedom but the global monopolists and speculators stigmatize the restrictions on monopolist tyranny and raging speculation as inhibiting the freedom of enterprise, although in fact this freedom means robbing Russia, its peoples and the weakest companies. 

The principles of the 90’s serve as a pseudo-scientific cover for liberal cannibalism: they say, we do not need to develop the country – we need to provide macroeconomic stability in ways that avoid revolt. 

In the 90’s, this policy allowed global monopolists to occupy and rob the country, but now the goals are different.

Russia has demonstrated its sovereignty, scaring the West out of its wits and revealing its undisguised goal of changing our ‘regime’, putting it under external control – as in Moldova or Ukraine and with any luck as in Libya, Iraq and Syria occupied by terrorists. It plans to break up Russia into a so many quasi states (Ukraine being kept whole as an ice-breaker against us). A worldwide  crisis requires cost savings, and it’s much cheaper to bargain over oil with the strongest field commander than with the weakest state. 

For the moment this policy is effective. The economy is choking as Russia becomes a paradise for speculators on the pretext of fighting inflation. 

 The liberal authorities are increasing the post-crisis consequences tenfold through reforms that destroy education, public health and the opportunity for millions of Russians to lead a normal life. 

Russia’s foreign policy still brings hope that a reasonable approach, based on the interests of our peoples, not on those of the West that started a cold war against us, will be extended from foreign policy to the social and economic field. 

But this hope is dwindling.


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