Beginning in the 1960s, as WASP political power in the U.S. was being subverted and dismantled, Arthur Finkelstein pioneered a brand new political method that now reads like a how-to guide for kosher modern right-wing populism. Finkelstein is the architect of the modern American 2 party political paradigm that is the reason problems never seem to get solved – in fact, they get worse – and voters never get what they’re promised.
In this clip, Jazz and James discuss “Finkel Think” and how it has been leveraged as the central political strategy to keep you from noticing.
Transcript follows below.
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You've probably never heard of this guy. And maybe if you are paying attention to politics, you know who Birnbaum is and his whole history, and if so, good for you. But in addition to his work with other Israelis on Trump's campaign in 2016, he's a political consultant who's worked in the U.S., Israel, Hungary and across the Balkans. Very important, though, is his mentor and friend, Arthur Finkelstein. We're talking a lot about both of these characters today. He is the mastermind behind painting George Soros as the lone globalist boogey man to take attention on the right away from Jewish power and influence on the right and direct it firmly at one guy on the left ceding the narrative that Soros was a Nazi collaborator.
Soros is pure evil, a drug smuggler, a profiteer, an extremist conspiracist, a Nazi. This is where it all comes from. This guy, Art Finkelstein and George Birnbaum. And our Finkelstein is we're gonna be talking about here he is the guy who did the recipe for at least this iteration of the kosher sandwich.
The claim that this guy invented it is yeah. It's like, you know, Jews always talk about anti-Semitism being comprised of ancient themes that keep getting trotted back out again and again, these old tropes, these canards that keep getting brought up again and again. Well, you know, it's an ancient theme, the notion of the kosher sandwich. They've done this over and over and over again. And Arthur Finkelstein was not the inventor of this. He certainly wasn't the pioneer of this strategy. That's the way that they frame him as as that. But he is the guy who started instituting it in modern America in the 1960s, right at the perfect time for this sort of thing to start working, because Finkelstein couldn't have started doing this in the 1910s or 20s. That would have failed. He would have been found out. Right. And people were very upset and.
Yeah. And it's very convenient for them as America's going undergoing this forced transformation that was taking place. You could say beginning in the in the 1920s was really when they started to ramp up the opposition. These people had to. To the progressive movement and then just, you know, gasoline thrown on the fire. After World War two and the the importation of these millions of Jews from Eastern Europe. And you're coming to ahead of the 1960s as this transformation is taking place, you can't have the people looking and finding and devising and figuring out basically who is responsible for it. Why is this happening to us?
And you have to have the people turned against one another to to be consumed with this passionate hatred towards other people, towards like their fellow man, towards people that are like them, but disagree with them. And we were talking about this privately a while ago. Where does this come from? This is hatred. People feel for stupid idiot liberals and dumb people and and redneck dumb ass conservative like. Where does this come from?
Well, comes largely from people like Birnbaum and Feek Finkelstein, who devised this as as a strategy for them to help them consolidate their power.
And it's really a symphony of Jews, right? It's done by Norman Lear on television. It's done in movies. All of the all of the anti white tropes and antiwhite canards that have been erected by Jews for millennia. The things that they say we do to them when reality, it's just a reaction to what they've done to us. They've been doing this for thousands of years and they work in concert in this way. And so Arthur Finkelstein, in the midst of the 1965 Immigration Act, in the midst of the Civil Rights Act, in the midst of these very divisive policies that nobody wanted in a post-World War Two America.
He found fertile ground for division and pushing people to hate one another. Now, you will see some cover for this by saying, well, politics has always been dirty in an awful and in America, and it goes all the way back until Lovel.
Well, that yeah, it was.
But at the end of the day, these people were on the same team. They were the same race, and ultimately they wanted the same things. That doesn't mean that there wasn't strife. There doesn't mean that that wasn't adversity or whatnot. But this has gotten to a place where it's not even a workable proposition. I mean, people are now, you know, you get boomers and three percenters and all these people talking about civil war. It's like, guys, civil war is not coming. But that's how people feel. They don't even feel like they can live with these people anymore. And a lot of that is because of what people like Arthur Finkelstein have done. And he is the guy who who really did it in in American politics.
Now, going back to George, Eli Birnbaum here for a second. He was born in 1970 in L.A. His family moved after fleeing from Nazi Germany. Just so people understand why it is pivoted to Burma. Birnbaum is Arthur Finkelstein's protege. Finkelstein has a number of proteges there called Arthur's Kids. And Baron Birnbaum is one of his shining students. This guy was born in 1970. He's gonna be around for a long time. He's not that old. Finkelstein's dead. I think he died in 2017, actually. And so, of course, Birnbaum, you know, his family fleet, Nazi Germany, his grandfather was shot by the Nazis in front of his son. Yeah. Citation needed burn. Mom's father was survived Auschwitz. And yet another person who survived with anti-Semitism followed the family as they moved to Atlanta, where Birnbaum grew up, where the Jewish school he attended was often defaced with anti-Semitic slurs that left a mark.
What should do in their burn mom tragedy left a mark on his fingers from the spray overspray, from the spray nozzle.
He didn't clean out that nozzle. I've got to flip it upside down, burn bomb and then use some or they call that Turpan done. Get that. Get that paint off your hands. In an era where American Jews drifted away from their specific identity, Birnbaum wasn't allowed to forget it. Every weekend, his father handed him the Jerusalem Post quote, First you learn what's going on with the Jewish people in the world, then you can carry it. Then you can worry about the rest of the world. Birnbaum remembered his father saying he grew up believing that only a strong nation, the state of Israel, protect Jews from a second Holocaust. That says that's saying a whole lot right here. If you unpack all of this just a little bit, first of all, this is what every white person should be doing with their child. If there were a paper called the White People Post or some. Oh, wait, we have that. It's called Terez. So that's that's the first thing you need to learn what is happening, how white people are being persecuted in the world. Then you can worry about the rest of the world. That's actually a good mantra and steal it from them. But on top of that, he was imparting into his son that only a only Zionism was a way to protect Jews from the second coming of something that never happened in the first place. So this is something that has been instilled in these people from a very young age. And it tells you a lot about what burn bum's motives are going to be as he carries himself out, because it's not just strong nation state of Israel. It's about destruction of white people to protect Jews from a second Holocaust. And that is really the credo of Birnbaum and his father.
Yeah, exactly. I don't think his dad was. Maybe he was, who knows, telling him that either. Either you do this or, you know, the cattle cars are coming around the corner. But the implication here is that only one group can be victorious. One group either. It's either us from his perspective. It's either us, the Jews, or it's the goyim. And someone needs to come out ahead here. Only you only one can hold power. And it needs to be us. And that is that's what he was instilled with as a child. And that's the mission he has tried to fulfill his entire active political life.
It is. Yeah. And so he's done a lot of work around the world, burm bomb. And Finkelstein's idea was done in the service of Viktor Orban, reviled around the world for his far right views. The men took all the arguments against Soros from east and west, from left and right, and fused them together and talk about that a little bit more later. But after Birnbaum finished working on near Barcott Jerusalem mayoral race, Birnbaum and Finkelstein worked in secret to get Orban elected. Their victory in Hungary, away from the intense political scrutiny of Western Europe, showed that constructing an external enemy could bring electoral success in the modern era. It allowed Hungary to give birth to Trump before Trump is. Steve Bannon himself has said Birnbaum and Finkelstein's work was provided has provided a new model for attack politics in this era of global division. Well, it's really a new old ancient model. They're just modernizing and they designed a master plan for exploiting these divisions that has worked in many countries and contexts and helped create a Jewish enemy that the far right has exploited to devastating effect. In 2016, when Trump ran his final TV ad ahead of the election, it came as no surprise that Soros was featured as a member of, quote, global special interests who don't have your good in mind. Remember when Trump is doing this in the final days of the election. And I mean, this whole Soros meme that has been concocted and it goes way back to 2013 and before it was just set up as the thing that you focus on so that you don't notice what's actually going on. And we're all finding out what actually went on right here and now.
Yeah, and knowing what we don't know about Trump, the Indian agents and being involved with with Israeli intelligence. And that it's, again, another example of projection. Talking about the global special interests who don't have your good in mind. That's them telling you exactly what they are doing. But using again. And this is so common. We find this in so many different things we talk about. People have a good instinct and they have they have devised ways and figured out how to exploit that instinct for their end goal. So the guy can go out there and say, yes, we're going to crush these global special interests that hate you. But the guy saying that in this case was a puppet of global special interests that don't have your good in mind. So, yeah, it's just time and time again, this is how we find them up here.
So going back to the early days of Birnbaum, you have to start to look backwards. And you go all the way back to the 1960s. But you also look through the lens of Israeli politics in the 1990s. So they got involved in these elections in Israel after the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin.
And there is this new profession known as a political consultancy, which was devising a fresh set of tools for bringing people to power. And there you find Birnbaum spiritual Father Finkelstein. Starting in the 1960s, Finkelstein was one of a handful of men reinventing the industry of political consulting in New York. He would go on to help presidents and senators to pioneer a slashing style of television advertising and to build a generation of prodigies.
So, I mean, it's a symphony. It's them all working together in a perfect chorus of Judaism to screw you over. Finkelstein isn't as famous as his contemporary Roger Ailes. But he is a hidden link that runs through the contemporary Republican Party, leading from the libertarian icon Ayn Rand to the cynicism of Richard Nixon. And finally, under Donald Trump, they sort of skipped Netanyahu, but he's in there, too. While a student at Columbia University, Finkelstein, interviewed and helped produce radio programs for an RAND. And was Ayn Rand and Rand whatever, and was a volunteer of the New York headquarters of the draft Goldwater committee in 1963 through 1964, the famous Sweet 35 oh five. Finkelstein's first electoral success came at age twenty five in 1970 with the independent conservative campaign of James L. Buckley from Senator for Senator of New York, who was the brother of William F. Buckley Jr..
So you already have sort of the foundation of the modern conservative era. Swirling around this guy Finkelstein, that most people have never even heard of.
Yeah, and this was happening against 1960s and 70s when this new style of campaigning was being devised and conservatism itself was being invented.
This was the period where conservatism, as we know it today, was being invented by the Irving Krystal's and and the like and with the help of William F. Buckley. And they were trying to wrangle this. This what I guess would be the right wing white people at all.
It was the all who had found was the old right that was being pushed away. And those they became paleo cons and yada, yada, yada. But.
Yeah, yeah, but of course, you know, not a surprise, we find Finkelstein embedded with this and and the Erving's and the rest of them. So, yeah, this is a new link to this. This. It completes the puzzle that we've been looking at for quite some time.
It does. Especially with with the kosher sandwich making is a political strategy. And, you know, we say a hidden link. I mean, Finkelstein himself says that he wants to remain out of sight. In fact, a number of quotes from him where he says that's like his M.O. for his entire life is not to be noticed. Please do not notice that I am in the middle of everything.
And he does. And part of that was because he was a fag. I mean, I found out later in life that he was a fag. And that's the interesting thing, is that throughout his political career, you know, he was helping. You know what we're mentioning the mate. We're hitting the high notes here with Nixon and Trump and and Reagan. But this guy was involved in hundreds of House races, Senate races throughout his life. Primary races. And he frequently was part of campaigns. This is where Jews will hold their nose in order to play both sides. He was involved in Senate races and House races in primaries with people who, especially in the 1960s and 70s, who were very outspoken against gays in gay rights, which will. What's wrong with that? Right. But Finkelstein was involved in a lot of these campaigns because he played this played this game. And we're gonna tell you how that works here in a second. But later in his life, I guess somebody outed him. This is back when you could be outed as a fag, like in the media, because they say a contradiction between what he was doing to help these social conservatives win elections and him also being gay.
I don't know where the article is, but that's kind of how that happened. But in any case, that may be one reason for his secrecy. But I think the real reason is because of the the elaborate schemes that were taking shape and that he was really the author of and in the modern political sense. And so it was back in the 1960s that Finkelstein started developing a political method that now reads like a how to guide for modern right wing populism. Not really. It's just a how to guide to how to fuck white people. So this is Finkelstein's gourmet kosher sandwich recipe. It has five components, very few. Number one, very few elections are won by convincing supporters of other parties or candidates to support your candidates. They're made their minds are made up by the time the election begins. The trick is instead to discourage supporters of your opponents to vote at all. Number two, to achieve this, you run highly personalized, negative campaigning against your opponent. Don't demonize the party. Demonize the candidate. You can't destroy the other side of the kosher sandwich. Go. You have to destroy the person. They're in it, not the Democrats. Right? You attack that particular person. People can be made to hate individuals more easily than institutions. Number three, your base must be charged up to an emotional level of fear and hatred of the opponent. Old hatreds grow stale as motivators, so new enemies must be discovered and if necessary, invented. Number four, make the opponent play on your territory by setting the agenda. Five Facts matter little and the emotional landscape of an election. So just lie, right? Just tell big lies. Yeah.
You know that point about demonizing individuals instead of the party? That is interesting because remembering back to 2016 and even up through now, when you look at how Donald Trump attacks his enemies, it is highly personal. Yes. To a level that we haven't seen before. And when the Democrats are attacked, you know. There may be some instances where he has attacked them for on other grounds, but they're not attacked for being anti. Why they're not attacked for or being or whatever they're attacked is do nothing. Right. This is the line is the do nothing Democrats. And it's not just because that that's a nice alliteration. It's because, yeah. You need to protect as Birnbaum is probably considering you need to protect the sanctity of this opposite party. You cannot destroy the other bun.
Yeah. You have to. You have to let it live to fight another day because it's it's inherently a key and fundamental part of this fake and gay dichotomy that they have set up. And so in one thing about Trump two is even when he is personalizing, he does personalizing politics of personal destruction and also as a strategy because he done this against Schumer and Pelosi and Clinton. But these are all his Mudd's like these are people who are were very fine with him being elected as long as he did what he needed to do. And I mean, the whole Kabuki theater that they're in the opposite. It's like, come on. I mean, look at all the bipartisan bills that have been passed to me. We talked about this on the midweek show that have gone off without a hitch, even 26. Seen with the with that that bill that forbade the DEA from raiding in seizing drug shipments. That was a bipartisan voice vote, right? You think there's any problem there? So, yeah, it's kind of funny. You can't destroy the other party because you don't want people to start not liking institutions.
We getting to steer people away from institutions and keep them focused on individuals because everyone it's it's an individualized society, James. Everyone's an individual. There are no overarching nefarious organizations here that are running the whole show.
It's only individual actors that are bad, but the system itself is good and we have to keep it in tact. That's really the goal here. So Finkelstein had been studying political trends for a long time. He was a pollster and he studied this and came up through, you know, sort of paying attention to polls and trying to understand what people thought and basically doing deep psycho analysis of the American people in deciding how best to exploit the divisions in America. And in the end, he noticed that it always comes down to the same issues drugs, crime and race. And these are the issues that create the most political division. And that's what he wrote in a memo to Nixon in the White House in 1970. Finkelstein's goal was to polarize the electorate as much as possible to pitch each side against the other. The fuel fear, quote, The danger has to be presented as coming from the left. A twenty five year old Finkelstein advised Nixon. It's like, yes. The danger has to be presented as coming from the other side of the sandwich. It cannot be from anything else because the moment we let off the gas, the moment we stop demonizing the other side, the moment that we even allow them to be humanized for a second, then the moment that people start to see that, hey, maybe we actually have more in common with those people than we have, you know, in adversity, maybe the adversity is all fake and the issues really aren't real because somebody else has created this dichotomy.
The moment you take your foot off that gas, people start looking around the room as the smoke clears and they're like, oh, there's somebody else in here with us that's actually causing all of this. And that's the last thing Finkelstein wanted. I mean, they saw they knew that in the post-World War Two America, that when they brought the boatloads of refugees from Europe, they started streaming in and taking even more of a substantial role in institutions like the media and academia, that eventually, especially when they start passing legislation like the nineteen sixty five heart Sellar Bill in civil rights and everything else that they did in that era, that it was going to lead to people getting angry and upset. And they had to make sure that those people stayed and and upset at each other, not the people doing the fucking.
Yeah, yeah, and it's the same premise. Like we talked about when we discussed Justice Dems to keep the two sides, to keep what they would see as the fringes from finding common ground and recognizing an enemy that is greater than partisan division, which is what would happen if it were not for. For this this intentional division that is being sewn by Finkelstein in Birmingham, etc..
People would people would recognize, like, hey, you know, maybe I don't have to hate this person because they're Republican, because they're Democrat. Maybe if we can actually discuss things in a in a reasonable manner, maybe we can we can work things out. Maybe we as as good European Americans, good white people can work things out and find a solution that's amicable for both of us. But no, you have to hate the other side and want to fantasize about killing them in a civil war, right?
Yeah. And it's and it's kind of funny because this is again, this is not something that Finkelstein invented. It's only something it's a Jewish. It's a very ancient Jewish theme that has been adopted for a modern era. And it's nothing new. And it's they're up to their same old tricks. Right. I mean, and people love staying tricked. People love being caught in this stuff and doubling down on it. And it's not necessarily because people are stupid. It's because these these sorts of schemes are designed to keep you trapped. And the trick is getting out of them.
It's like quitting smoking or I don't know. But in the put in the old blog and the drug or whatever it is that you do to get rid of a vice. I mean, this is nothing more than a vice. And so Finkelstein goes on, whoever doesn't attack first will be beaten, he argued. And Finkelstein made things personal. Every campaign needs an enemy to defeat. He developed negative campaigning into a tank, a technique he called rejectionist voting to demonize the enemies so much that even the laziest of voters would want to get out and vote just to reject them. This is a phenomenon we saw in 2016. Finkelstein would also advise his clients not to talk about themselves, but instead to focus their campaigning on destroying their opponents.
He became notorious for turning liberal into a dirty word in TV campaigns. No American could avoid opponents who are branded as ultra liberal, crazy liberal, embarrassing, liberal or too liberal for too long. Many times have we heard all of this before, right?
Oh, yeah. Yeah. This is I mean, this is happening at the same time that talk radio is is springing up and, you know, the 80s and 90s when it really has its heyday and this is what they are pumping into people, you know, their target audience for this Finkelstein's target audience being white, working people like you. Yeah. When you're on the job side or in the truck or doing whatever you do for for work and you're getting three hours of Roshe or three hours of whomever you're hearing on the radio, and they're talking like this all the time. Yes. This is what this is an inculcation process. And this is how they're they're reprogramming your mind, teaching you how to think differently about these things and teaching you to you know, it sounds like this is the right guys. Yes. Here we go again.
Rush Limbaugh doing Rachel Maddow, but the Rush Limbaugh Institute for Advanced Conservative Studies. Right. Like you're taught to hate liberals. This is why any given day that you tune into Rush Limbaugh, he's out there saying that white liberals are the biggest danger in America. Right. And so it's not that he has studied Finkelstein. I'm sure that Rush knows exactly who Finkelstein is. It was called Finckel. Think actually, like this whole process was called Finckel thing. Oh, yeah. No, dude, it's crazy. And all of the kids, all of Arthas kids. I mean, this became this became the mantra. This is what they do. And, you know, you almost wonder if some of them are just, you know, and this isn't holding out hope. But if some people just get caught up in this and it's they just don't know any better. But I think a lot of them just know that this is this is part of the Zionist plan. Like if you the moment you the moment you let off the gas of any sort of strategy like this, people revert to the mean, which is. Yeah, like let's talk about the problems that are actually going on. And the biggest issue here for them now is reason why this becomes such a catch 22 is because their schemes have to keep getting more and more elaborate in order to cover this stuff up. Well, they're do well, they're fucking you even harder. So the things that they were trying to distract you from in the 1960s and 70s wouldn't seem all that bad compared to what's really going on today.
Right. When we talked about Trump's immigration EO that he put out that conservatives are running around and amnot to running around, you know, saying Trump has to expand this and tweeting out how, you know, Steve Daines is is based, Steve Daines is demanding an expansion of the EO and blah, blah, blah.
It's like, no, the OEO. The purpose was to expand EB five visas. It wasn't to curtail immigration. It was using executive authority to expand it. That's why there have been. No, there have been no successful legal attempts to strike it down. And these people just get caught up in this and it's like, no, Donald Trump needs to expand it even more. And sick does.
Why aren't liberals even getting mad about this? Because it's a joke. It's a total joke. So no containment penalties. Yeah. So, 1976, that now this is where this gets really interesting. This was like there's a whole bunch of things in here that are just if your mind isn't blown already. Buckle up, because there's. Oh, my God, dude, there's some. And this isn't hype like the red pills here with how they construct this, the how and the why of how they construct this and and what has been done is just incredible. So 1976 presidential primaries.
Finkelstein was working for Reagan's insurgent campaign. Right. So he's running a cancer insurgent. Right. He's running against Gerald Ford in 1976. Remember, Reagan didn't become president till 80. He had to lose a couple times before this happened. And so at Finkelstein's urging, Reagan made a major issue of the impending Panama Canal treaties, which Gerald Ford was negotiating in which had infuriated conservative voters. Right. Reagan's based in Ford, is part of the establishment. So goes the narrative. This proved to be Reagan's signature issue throughout the late 1970s. As Jules Witcover later reported, tens of thousands of George Wallace voters were gradually cut adrift during his slide in the primaries. So just pause there for a second. Of course, George Wallace was a guy who was pro segregation. This was left out.
You know, I've said this before, too, on FBN, but today the issue is illegal immigration. Right. And keep kicking out illegal immigrants, building the wall and deporting them all and so on and so forth. And I said sometime in our lifetimes, in 15 or 20 years, being against immigration, being against illegal immigration will be viewed in the same way that it is viewed the way segregation is viewed today. Right. The way that conservatives look on that today, like there's nobody out there who is publicly for segregation anymore. Right. And at some point in the future, and you're seeing them already trying to trend and pivot away from the issue of illegal immigration and legal immigration. You see college Republican groups out there saying that they are shooing America first as a racist trope.
We love legal immigration. We love what immigrants have done in this country. Hispanics are great. Everyone from the world is great. We love having them in. They want to make this issue eventually become like segregation. But in the 1970s.
After civil rights happened, which was not popular with anybody, they still were sort of nursing people on the right or people, not necessarily Republicans, but just conservative voters, whether those were people who supported George Wallace, who didn't succeed at getting the nomination in 1976, or those were people on on the right who were supporting Reagan because they didn't like Gerald Ford. They wanted to play into this notion that Reagan was maybe going to be the guy that would carry forward George Wallace his agenda. And so they picked up tens of thousands of these Wallace voters. And Arthur Finkelstein even hired a Wallace site from Fort Worth to radio and television spots for Reagan, quote, It was dynamite. The AP Mike Robinson wrote that Finkelstein was viewed by many as an instrumental playing an instrumental role in Reagan's 1976 primary successes in North Carolina and Texas because he played into these hopes and dreams that white people had at this time. And it wasn't ever going to go anywhere. You think Reagan did? Would Reagan do on that front? We did the whole deep dive on Reagan. It was it was just just like Trump's presidency. It is used to advance their agenda. It's not used to advance here as it's used to crush yours.
Yeah. And the Reagan was viewed. It's funny to go back in time and maybe to, you know, talk to people who were involved in the Reagan campaign or were politically active during that time because Reagan was viewed in a similar way to Trump as this guy is coming in. He is is a relative political outsider. He is going to shake up the system. He is going to do things that people have wanted done for years. But no one has had the toughness and the grit to get it done. And he's not going to be beholden to maybe what his party wants him to do. He'll take a good ideas from both sides and maybe he'll nominate a Democrat secretary of war like like Donald was rumored to do. Right. And what do you get? Eight years later, you get dementia, you get more immigration. You get the liberalizing divorce, destruction of the family, you get the whole shebang.
Yeah. And they play that card a little bit with, you know, they did that with Bush and McCain and Trump. You know, I'm a Trump Democrat. Right.
So they'll play a little bit. They won't do total politics of division.
They'll they'll allow a little bit, but only if you've converted from one side to the other. It's not. I'm still this. But I support that. It's I was this. You should now hate this, too, because I do the convert. Right. I was an ultra liberal and now I'm a conservative. So they they've played both sides of this stuff. But another thing that Finkelstein did here, and this explains a lot, is that he believed in the usefulness of third forces to help conservatives win elections. Third, forces like Ben Carson or Tulsi Gabbard or whatever, but not a conservative third party, a much discussed option in the mid 1970s and a February 1977 conference, he told activists the development of a third party may well hurt conservative options in the future by diluting them. Definitely don't want to do that. Warning that traditional and emotional ties to party labels will help keep many conservatives in their present parties.
You know, it's like where you go and go, where you want to go somewhere else and start your own thing. Definitely don't want to do that.
Finkelstein also counseled against a third party option for those on the right saying this would succeed and only drawing conservatives out of both parties, creating a weak satellite party and leaving major liberal elite, major, major parties with more liberals.
That's like, yeah, that's that's what it would do. Right. That's definitely what it would do. It wouldn't be this this institution that is temporarily at least outside of our control, where people who may be more in line with the Democrats idea of a social welfare state and Republican base ideas of it on race and immigration. Yeah, I wouldn't do that and just render these two sandwich buns obsolete.
Yeah, definitely. The last thing that Finkelstein wants blessing the good old Chucky Finkelstein wants is people who have nationalist tendencies, aligning with people who have socialist tendencies and starting their own political party or part parties that they might even call the nationalist Socialist Party of the United States. That's definitely something that Finkelstein. He's like guys like this isn't going to work. Don't even try it. We're not going to do this experiment because look, look, I just know it's not going to work and you're just gonna have to take my word for it. Just don't do it. The liberals. The Liberals would win. If you do. Yes. Yeah. I can hear Rush Limbaugh saying that. And so this guy is quite literally the key to everything fake and gay in modern GOP politics. And it's funny, too, because in his final years and they all do this right.
His final years, he increasingly distanced himself personally from social conservative elements within the Republican Party, of course. You know, he's got to he's got to make right. You know, with the tribe and have a good legacy. He's got to walk away very, very slowly, back away from from these people who maybe who thought abortion is a bad thing. By the time of his death in 2017, Finklestein left an indelible mark on national politics, having worked for Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan while working as a central campaign member for Reagan in 1980. He's the guy behind. Let's make America great again. Right. This is the guy who came up with that phrase. And he also he also left a mark at the site of potentially one of the biggest gaps in America.
Finkelstein is the author of The Words inscribed on the cornerstone of One World Trade Center, otherwise called Freedom Tower, completed in 2014. The 2004 dedication, Governor Pataki read aloud the inscription to honor and remember those who lost their lives on September 11th, 2001. It's a tribute to the enduring spirit of Freedom. July 4th, 2004. Other Fink quotes A crook always beats a fool variant of the above. When you allow people to choose between the corrupt and the stupid, they will always go for the corrupt.
This was used in a 2003 Israeli campaign. The most overwhelming fact of politics is what voters do not know. This is apparently a frequent saying. Finkelstein's I think I'm the playwright or the director, but I'm not the actor. The actors need to be on stage, not the director. And I think it's absurd that people who do what I do become as important as celebrated as the ones who are running in 2011. It's like, please keep the curtain closed.
Yeah. Don't turn your direction and turn your attention away from the shit puppets on the stage. Don't don't start looking.
Whatever. Getting the director is not this the star of the play. OK. What? In 2011. This is kind of telling and this is the sort of speaks to some of the inner mental turmoil of Jews sometimes in 2011. In one of his last public speeches, he said, I wanted to change the world. And yet I did this. I made it worse. So this little moment of, oh, moment of truth creeping through because he knew he knew that this. This is probably, you know, that's the thing. It's like they do divisive politics. They create a kosher dialectic because they're trying to extract something from a society and take it over and basically subvert all of its institutions. But the thing is that that's usually something that they do because they don't have a better option. And if they go too hard with it, as they've done now and then, you've given rise to populism and in everything else, like, you know, look, when we talk about Banin and all these characters taking advantage of these movements, the movements themselves are not fake and gay. That is not a gay op like this is genuine feeling that people have, knowing that they're getting fucked and knowing that they're getting taken advantage of and those genuine feelings always get steered in bad directions. And what Finkelstein is reacting and one of his last public speeches is he's realizing that, yeah, if you go too hard on this politics of division, it's sort of ironic. But you end up creating the thing that you were trying to prevent and you spend more time trying to suppress it than maybe what you could have been doing otherwise, which is just staying the fuck out of these countries.
Sure, and you set up this radicalisation spiral that that then guarantees that you will end up with people who who, after being screwed over so many times by the different sides of the sandwich dialectic you've created, will end up with no other choice and will will begin to see this for what it is. What he also does by saying this to us is he provides an out for people that would like to reduce him to nothing more than just an evil Republican, a white Republican strategist that create this division. Look, he he felt so bad about about Republican lying that he apologized for it. And see, this is you know, he apologized and it's over. And this is just a bad guy. And it allows people to, like, stop the train of thinking here by say, oh, he's he's sorry.
So it's over. It's okay.
But in reality, it's not over. And his legacy carries on and we're feeling the effects of that today.
Yeah. And you're feeling the effects of it today. And so, you know, we talked about Finkelstein and his involvement with Reagan and Nixon and William F. Buckley and Donald Trump and and so on and so forth. But he took a little hiatus in the mid 90s, took a little break after. Good old Ronnie Reagan. And before Donald Trump got teed up.
And about a year after Birnbaum first met Finkelstein, he bumped into him again in an anonymous hallway of the NRC. Wow. Both these guys are working at the Chuck Singer organization. The NRC is really a powerhouse. Amazing how everything seems to transit through that organization. He told him that he wanted to work for him to do polling for him. And he said, I speak Hebrew, too. It would be great if we could ever do a project in Israel. Well, the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin couldn't have come to a moment too soon. It was the turning point for Israel and for Finkelstein and Birnbaum when elections for his successor were hastily arranged. A new comer threw his hat into the ring. Netanyahu.
So I wonder if this is around the same time that Netanyahu met Fred Trump in New York City, was getting a lot of support from the Trump family. And you know, all these people, Charlie. Charlie Kushner, Chuck Kushner seemed to know Netanyahu. They all were very friends with this, good friends with this guy.
It's like, wow. It's like, you know, I'm not saying that they're responsible for the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, but it is kind of funny that Netanyahu comes out of nowhere and is challenging Shimon Peres, who is a social Democrat.
And, you know, he was one of the guys who wanted to continue Rabin's peace process. It's like that all of a sudden it's like jig nat uprising. And there Finkelstein and Birnbaum are to make sure that Netanyahu wins the race. Israelis initially sneered at Netanyahu's ambitions and polls put him 20 percent behind. But seemingly out of nowhere, Netanyahu's Likud Party started carpeting the country with sinister ads. Peres will divide Jerusalem went to slogan, even though Peres apparently had no such intention. Similar attacks targeting Peres appeared on TV, on the radio and in the press. And the final TV debate press stepped into the trap laid by Finkelstein. The first thing he did was try to clarify that he had no desire to divide Jerusalem. The exact topic that Finkelstein wanted him to raise, Netanyahu went on to own the debate. Netanyahu's campaign back then, from which he has never wavered was. Imagine, imagine it. Think. Imagine if Netanyahu is white for a second. And imagine if this were a white country and you had a white president who had a campaign that focused around what Netanyahu's did. So his campaign slogan was that you're either for him or you're an enemy of the people, which is kind of funny. That's what Trump said. But that's not what Trump delivered. His campaign slogan at the time, Netanyahu is good for the Jews. By implication. If you're not for Netanyahu, then you're not good for the Jews and therefore an enemy. Right. Because you imagine if we had a president running for office who said, if you're not for white people, you're an enemy of the people. And if you're not for white people, you're an enemy. Right? I mean, how great with that.
And not only. And not only said it, but then when had they had access to the reins of power, actually implement an agenda that reflected that sentiment.
And Trump didn't even do that. It was I am I am for you. If you're against me, you're the enemy of the people and me. The implication was, oh, it's a white guy, right. But not really just.
Yeah. And and the enemy are the media are the enemy of the people, not because they're anti white and they hate you and want to destroy you. But the and the media are the enemy of the people because they don't like Trump. They're too hurt.
Yeah. So on Election Day, the race between President Netanyahu is too close to call. Around 10 p.m., the TV stations reported a close win for. Perez, based on early projections, Netanyahu grabs the phone and calls Arthur his secret campaign manager. Finkelstein was in New York, of course, but Edzard immediately and told yet Netanyahu he shouldn't be worried. I always win the close ones when the final count came in. Netanyahu is the new pres prime minister. Fifty point four nine percent to forty nine point five one percent.
Less than a one percent margin. And a six pointed star was born, wasn't it, James?
Yeah, that's a, you know, a foundational point in history. The 16 19 project, nineteen ninety five project. A seminal points in world history.
Absolutely. So, yes. And Netanyahu became hit. The win made Finkelstein a star. Right. He was already popular in American politics, but this gave him a large serving of international panache. He changed campaigning forever, according to a Haaretz newspaper. He it learned to that his formula could work outside North America. Finkelstein's expertise became much sought after. And in 1998, Birnbaum received a call. It was Finkelstein asking whether he would like to work for the Likud Party in Israel, a dream come true for George Birnbaum. It was here that the two became a team. Finkelstein is captain and Birnbaum as his bottom, probably. While Finkelstein traveled between New York and Israel, Birnbaum kept watch in Israel. Suddenly, he stood guard in Israel, where he became the chief of staff for Netanyahu, organizing his appearances, representing him in front of the press, sometimes babysitting his kids. But Birnbaum wasn't the only acolyte of Finkelstein's. He was, but he was probably the most prominent. You need to understand these Arthur kids, these Republican consultants, operatives and managers. That includes Alex Castellanos. George Birnbaum. Beth Myers. Match Bainwol. Ari Fleischer. Jon Lerner. Rick Reed. Patrick Hillman. The pollster brothers. John and Jim McGlocklin. Frank Luntz. Larry Weitzner. Charlie Black. Roger Stone.
Should I go on? I mean, the list is just endless, these these proteges of Finkelstein.
Yeah, I mean, there's no degrees of separation between him and any of these who's who prominent figures.
And even if these people didn't work directly for him, I mean, there are some that are not on this list and that didn't work directly for him. They were affected by this change that had occurred and had been occurring since the 70s and and the changing culture in in campaigning. Right. And this was the way things were done. Now, campaigning had been redefined, turn on its head, fundamentally changed by Arthur and his proteges. And so even if you weren't if you weren't working directly for him, you were still swimming in his mill. You you're still playing by his rules. You were still doing his strategy maybe in a different slightly different way. But this was the rulebook. And if you were a player in this game at the time, you were playing by his rule.
Well, they didn't even really have to be convinced to do this, because one thing about Finkelstein's strategy is that it was very successful. It is it is a very successful strategy to pit people against each other, especially in a very fertile ground. Right. People are angry because blacks have been unleashed on their community. I mean, we have we still have we're still living with that today.
We'll be living with it until a time when that problem has been resolved. But they were dealing with this problem the 1960s. They felt powerless against it. They had all these things happening to their country. I mean, America was being invaded. America was being colonized. America was being taken over. And nobody had any idea what was going on. And it's like, well, let's just blame the liberals. It's their policies that are creating these things that you don't like. And so it became a very successful strategy and it made them popular. Made. It's like here I'm a political consultant. It's this new type of career path that somebody can be on if you're Jew, if you're Jewish or you have connections to Jews or you just like playing this game. Here's the little rulebook. Pit these people against each other. You're going to win elections time and time again. And it's in it's evolved to the point where now they just take turns. It's like, well, we're always just going to be in power. We'll just hand it off to the the red team and then to the blue team and the red team again. But no matter who's in charge, you know, we're always going to make progress and move along and whatever. But in the meantime, people like Ari Fleischer, who worked for George W. Bush, all these people could just profit from this. And, of course, you know, think did some work for the Trump organization in the mid 2000s. And he later spoke of the mind boggling power of Trump's personality.
He probably sense that this guy was the perfect next big bet early on. And of course, Trump's campaign was stuffed full of Arthur's kids, Larry Weitzner, Tony Fabrizio and Roger Stone and George Birnbaum. Just it's kind of funny how they all just pop up there. And these are the people who these are the apostles of of Finkelstein's. Right. Go out and do Finkelstein's work around the world. And that's what they did.
Yeah, and and, of course, Netanyahu, who had been put into power by by Finkelstein and Birnbaum, is now sending his it's like they're multiplying. Right. He's sending his emissaries in to get involved in the Trump campaign. And, yeah, it's funny how this you know, the downstream effects of what Finkelstein and Birnbaum did in the 90s are really being felt exponentially now.
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